Hi all,
All conversations in the West Bank are leading to the Gaza Freedom Flotilla these days, as seven boats and over 700 people attempt to break the Israeli siege on Gaza. Several friends of mine are on the boats, which are to be met by over half of Israel's navy sometime today. Chances are if you're in the U.S., you haven't been exposed to much media coverage of the Freedom Flotilla. U.S. media are engaged in a nearly universal boycott of Flotilla coverage, and skimming the New York Times is alarming enough that I thought I would send the press release issued by the Freedom Flotilla.
The situation in Gaza is extremely bleak. Last night I published one of the most disturbing reports to come from ISM lately; regarding six farmers that were injured by Israeli artillery shells. Farmers risk their lives daily in the buffer zone, which claims over 30% of Gaza's farmland. Baraka and Musa, two farmers each supporting families of over twenty, are severely injured after Israeli soldiers fired artillery shells at them Thursday as they worked in their fields. See the report here.
The Freedom Flotilla press release is located below, and here.
Check palsolidarity.org for updated information as the humanitarian boats are met by Israeli naval forces in the coming hours.
Thanks,
Ellen
Israel’s Disinformation Campaign Against the Gaza Freedom Flotilla
Posted on: May 28, 2010 | ShareThis
Freedom Flotilla | Witness Gaza
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Israeli disinformation cannot hide the siege of Gaza.
For over four years, Israel has subjected the civilian population of Gaza to an increasingly severe blockade, resulting in a man-made humanitarian catastrophe of epic proportions. Earlier this month, John Ging, the Director of Operations of the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) in Gaza, called upon the international community to break the siege on the Gaza Strip by sending ships loaded with humanitarian aid. This weekend, 9 civilian boats [two have now encountered difficulties and turned back] carrying 700 human rights workers from 40 countries and 10,000 tons of humanitarian aid will attempt to do just that: break through the Israel’s illegal military blockade on the Gaza Strip in non-violent direct action. In response, the Israeli government has threatened to send out ‘half’ of its Naval forces to violently stop our flotilla, and they have engaged in a deceitful campaign of misinformation regarding our mission.
Israel claims that there is no ongoing humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Every international aid organization working in Gaza has documented this crisis in stark detail. Just released earlier this week, Amnesty International’s Annual Human Rights Report stated that Israeli’s siege on Gaza has “deepened the ongoing humanitarian crisis. Mass unemployment, extreme poverty, food insecurity and food price rises caused by shortages left four out of five Gazans dependent on humanitarian aid. The scope of the blockade and statements made by Israeli officials about its purpose showed that it was being imposed as a form of collective punishment of Gazans, a flagrant violation of international law.”[1]
Israel claims that its blockade is directed simply at the Hamas government in Gaza, and is limited to so-called ’security’ items. Yet When U.S. Senator John Kerry visited Gaza last year, he was shocked to discover that the Israeli blockade included staple food items such as lentils, macaroni and tomato paste.[2] Furthermore, Gisha, the Israeli Legal Center for Freedom of Movement, has documented numerous official Israeli government statements that the blockade is intended to put ‘pressure’ on Gaza’s population, and collective punishment of civilians is an illegal act under international law.[3]
Israel claims that if we wish to send aid to Gaza, all we need do is go through ‘official channels,’ give the aid to them and they will deliver it. This statement is both ridiculous and offensive. Their blockade, their ‘official channels,’ is what is directly causing the humanitarian crisis in the first place.
According to former U.S. President Jimmy Carter: “Palestinians in Gaza are being actually ’starved to death,’ receiving fewer calories per day than people in the poorest parts of Africa. This is an atrocity that is being perpetrated as punishment on the people in Gaza. It is a crime… an abomination that this is allowed to go on. Tragically, the international community at large ignores the cries for help, while the citizens of Gaza are treated more like animals than human beings.”[4]
Israel claims that we refused to deliver a letter and package from POW Gilad Shalit’s father. This is a blatant lie. We were first contacted by lawyers representing Shalit’s family Wednesday evening, just hours before we were set to depart from Greece. Irish Senator Mark Daly (Kerry), one of 35 parliamentarians joining our flotilla, agreed to carry any letter and to attempt to deliver it to Shalit or, if that request was denied, deliver it to officials in the Hamas government. As of this writing, the lawyers have not responded to Sen. Daly, electing instead to attempt to smear us in the Israeli press.[5] We have always called for the release of all political prisoners in this conflict, including the 11,000 Palestinian political prisoners languishing in Israeli jails, among them hundreds of child prisoners.[6]
Most despicably of all, Israel claims that we are violating international law by sailing unarmed ships carrying humanitarian aid to a people desperately in need. These claims only demonstrate how degenerate the political discourse in Israel has become.
Despite its high profile pullout of illegal settlements and military presence from Gaza in August—September 2005, Israel maintains “effective control” over the Gaza Strip and therefore remains an occupying force with certain obligations.[7] Among Israel’s most fundamental obligations as an occupying power is to provide for the welfare of the Palestinian civilian population. An occupying force has a duty to ensure the food and medical supplies of the population, as well as maintain hospitals and other medical services, “to the fullest extent of the means available to it” (G IV, arts. 55, 56). This includes protecting civilian hospitals, medical personnel, and the wounded and sick. In addition, a fundamental principle of International Humanitarian Law, as well as of the domestic laws of civilized nations, is that collective punishment against a civilian population is forbidden (G IV, art. 33).
Israel has grossly abused its authority as an occupying power, not only neglecting to provide for the welfare of the Palestinian civilian population, but instituting policies designed to collectively punish the Palestinians of Gaza. From fuel and electricity cuts that hinder the proper functioning of hospitals, to the deliberate obstruction of humanitarian aid delivery through Israeli-controlled borders, Israel’s policies towards the Gaza Strip have turned Gaza into a man-made humanitarian disaster. The dire situation that currently exists in Gaza is therefore a result of deliberate policies by Israel designed to punish the people of Gaza. In order to address the calamitous conditions imposed upon the people, one must work to change the policies causing the crisis. The United Nations has referred to Israel’s near hermetic closure of Gaza as “collective punishment,”[8] strictly prohibited under Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. All nations signatory to the Convention have an obligation to ensure respect for its provisions.[9]
Given the continuing and sustained failure of the international community to enforce its own laws and protect the people of Gaza, we strongly believe that we all, as citizens of the world, have a moral obligation to directly intervene in acts of nonviolent civil resistance to uphold international principles. Israeli threats and intimidation will not deter us. We will sail to Gaza again and again and again, until this siege is forever ended and the Palestinian people have free access to the world.
NOTES:
1. Amnesty International, Annual Human Rights Report (26 May 2010); http://thereport.amnesty.org
2. “The pasta, paper and hearing aids that could threaten Israeli security,” The Independent (2 March 2009)
3. “Restrictions on the transfer of goods to Gaza: Obstruction and obfuscation,” Gisha (January 2010)
4. “Carter calls Gaza blockade ‘a crime and atrocity,” Haaretz (17 April 2008),http://www.haaretz.com/news/carter-calls-gaza-blockade-a-crime-and-atrocity-1.244176
5. “Gaza aid convoy refuses to deliver package to Gilad Shalit,” Haaretz (27 May 2010)
6. “Comprehensive Report on Status of Palestinian Political Prisoners,” Sumoud (June 2004); Palestinian Children Political Prisoners, Addameer, http://www.addameer.org/detention/children.html
7. Article 42 of the Hague Regulations stipulates, a “territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army,” and that the occupation extends “to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised.” Similarly, in the Hostage Case, the Nuremburg Tribunal held that, “the test for application of the legal regime of occupation is not whether the occupying power fails to exercise effective control over the territory, but whether it has the ability to exercise such power.” Palestinians living in the Gaza Strip, like those in the West Bank, continue to be subject to Israeli control. For example, Israel controls Gaza’s air space, territorial waters, and all border crossings. Palestinians in Gaza require Israel’s consent to travel to and from Gaza, to take their goods to Palestinian and foreign markets, to acquire food and medicine, and to access water and electricity. Without Israel’s permission, the Palestinian Authority (PA) cannot perform such basic functions of government as providing social, health, security and utility services, developing the Palestinian economy and allocating resources.
8. John Holmes, Briefing to the U Security Council on the situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question, 27 January 2009.
9. Convention (IV) relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. Geneva, 12 August 1949, Article I stating, “The High Contracting Parties undertake to respect and to ensure respect for the present Convention in all circumstances.” See also, Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Advisory Opinion, I. C. J. Reports 2004, p. 136 at 138; http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/131/1671.pdf.
Remembering Rachel Corrie
Why we are all Rachel
March 16, 2010
Ellen Stark
I would like to begin by thanking the municipality of Ramallah and the popular committees, both of whom organized this event.
Thanks to the International Solidarity Movement for allowing me to speak on their behalf.
Thank you to the students of Kufr Sur Secondary School, who have done extensive research about Rachel Corrie and held a beautiful demonstration this morning.
Thank you, Cindy and Craig Corrie, for sharing your daughter with the world.
Thank you for the opportunity to deliver these words; it is quite an honor.
Thank you for remembering Rachel.
We remember the countless Palestinians and others who have lost their lives in this struggle and other non-violent fights against inequality in this world.
We remember the ISM activists Tom Hurndall, also killed in Rafah; Brian Avery, shot in the same month; and Tristan Anderson, still in the hospital.
Rachel Corrie is particularly significant to me because I grew up near to her hometown, Olympia, and because I am a student at her university. Were I a few years older, we could have been schoolmates. However, her life has impacted a tremendous number of people who don’t seem to have much in common with her.
We remember Rachel because of the fateful day her life was taken by the Israeli military. This tragedy was felt both globally and in particularly in Rachel’s and my corner of the world. It seems incredible to many that a young woman would travel so far from home to stand in solidarity with a foreign people and culture; ultimately giving her life for the Palestinian cause.
Rachel is an inspirational figure not only because of her courageous actions on March 16th, but also because of the life she led and the words she left behind. Her journals tell the tale of a person deeply and profoundly affected by suffering and injustice in the world, and from a remarkably young age. Her entire life was committed to, in the simple words of a fifth grader, “giving the poor a chance”. This basic and fundamental dedication to fighting for equal chances as humans is profound enough, and expressed so eloquently both in her writing and actions, that it compels us to act.
I believe that Rachel’s commitment, which put her there that day, is a spark we all have. Her inability to look away and remain silent is not unique; it is what has defined all great non-violent movements. It is what makes us wonderfully human; it is what makes us alive. So today as we mark Rachel’s death, let us also remember that spark of collective humanity, which compels us to step forward in solidarity and prohibits us from remaining silent.
I stand here today because of Rachel’s actions. At the age of 13, as my nation began a second tragic conflict, I felt a youthful sense of bewilderment and grief which I would later recognize in Rachel’s journals. I will never forget the day posters of Rachel appeared at our anti-war vigil. The weathered and stoic pillars of activism wept bitterly. I will never forget their tears, nor the image of her smiling face held on street corners. Rachel’s death was felt from Olympia, to my hometown of Bellingham, to Ramallah, Rafah and many, many other places.
As a member of ISM, I speak for a remarkable group of activists worldwide when I say that we are inspired by Rachel’s example to stand in solidarity with Palestinian non-violent resistance. We come to tell Palestine that we will stand peacefully alongside you until the occupation has ended. We tell the world that it can no longer ignore the spark of humanity, which compels us to act in circumstances of grave injustice.
Rachel sent a very clear message with her life, and this anniversary is an appropriate time to reflect upon ours. I believe she would ask us to examine our lives for ways in which we can hold ourselves to a higher standard. We are united by the Palestinian cause, but also by our spark of collective humanity.
We should aspire to expose inequality in even the smallest of actions, knowing that those ultimately compose our experience.
We should not doubt the power of our words and larger statements, knowing that these will extend beyond imaginable scope, just as teenagers like myself thousands of miles away can be forever affected by those of us here.
We should not hesitate in our peaceful struggle for the Palestinian cause, remembering those who have gone before us and those whose freedoms will come from our diligence. We are fighting a battle which at times feels hopeless and impossibly removed from the world at large, but it is at these darkest moments that we should remember Rachel’s spark which inspires us. Palestinians should know that although they suffer terribly from the occupation, they are not alone. Like Rachel, we share the sense of collective humanity, which leads us to stand alongside you and share your stories with the world.
We should never doubt the importance of non-violence, seeing the immense strength of those who resist courageously with their whole selves.
On those days when the noise of the occupation seems deafening, let us remember that hope must speak louder. We must remember that although we lost Rachel’s spark, we can use her life as an inspiration to find our own sparks of collective humanity.
Rachel leaves us tremendous gifts in her words and art. As we remember the incredible person Rachel was, let us also remember the necessity of creation. Rachel was a poet, so it seems fitting to end with a poem by the poet Andrea Gibson, who tells us:
Picasso said
he would paint with his own wet tongue
on the dusty floor of a jail cell
if he had to. We have to create.
It is the only thing louder than destruction.
It is the only chance the bars are gonna break.
Our hands full of color,
reaching towards the sky,
A brushstroke in the dark,
it is not too late.
That starry night, it is not yet dry.
Shukran.
(Three days after delivering this memorial, Ellen was shot with a rubber bullet, fracturing her wrist) -S
March 16, 2010
Ellen Stark
I would like to begin by thanking the municipality of Ramallah and the popular committees, both of whom organized this event.
Thanks to the International Solidarity Movement for allowing me to speak on their behalf.
Thank you to the students of Kufr Sur Secondary School, who have done extensive research about Rachel Corrie and held a beautiful demonstration this morning.
Thank you, Cindy and Craig Corrie, for sharing your daughter with the world.
Thank you for the opportunity to deliver these words; it is quite an honor.
Thank you for remembering Rachel.
We remember the countless Palestinians and others who have lost their lives in this struggle and other non-violent fights against inequality in this world.
We remember the ISM activists Tom Hurndall, also killed in Rafah; Brian Avery, shot in the same month; and Tristan Anderson, still in the hospital.
Rachel Corrie is particularly significant to me because I grew up near to her hometown, Olympia, and because I am a student at her university. Were I a few years older, we could have been schoolmates. However, her life has impacted a tremendous number of people who don’t seem to have much in common with her.
We remember Rachel because of the fateful day her life was taken by the Israeli military. This tragedy was felt both globally and in particularly in Rachel’s and my corner of the world. It seems incredible to many that a young woman would travel so far from home to stand in solidarity with a foreign people and culture; ultimately giving her life for the Palestinian cause.
Rachel is an inspirational figure not only because of her courageous actions on March 16th, but also because of the life she led and the words she left behind. Her journals tell the tale of a person deeply and profoundly affected by suffering and injustice in the world, and from a remarkably young age. Her entire life was committed to, in the simple words of a fifth grader, “giving the poor a chance”. This basic and fundamental dedication to fighting for equal chances as humans is profound enough, and expressed so eloquently both in her writing and actions, that it compels us to act.
I believe that Rachel’s commitment, which put her there that day, is a spark we all have. Her inability to look away and remain silent is not unique; it is what has defined all great non-violent movements. It is what makes us wonderfully human; it is what makes us alive. So today as we mark Rachel’s death, let us also remember that spark of collective humanity, which compels us to step forward in solidarity and prohibits us from remaining silent.
I stand here today because of Rachel’s actions. At the age of 13, as my nation began a second tragic conflict, I felt a youthful sense of bewilderment and grief which I would later recognize in Rachel’s journals. I will never forget the day posters of Rachel appeared at our anti-war vigil. The weathered and stoic pillars of activism wept bitterly. I will never forget their tears, nor the image of her smiling face held on street corners. Rachel’s death was felt from Olympia, to my hometown of Bellingham, to Ramallah, Rafah and many, many other places.
As a member of ISM, I speak for a remarkable group of activists worldwide when I say that we are inspired by Rachel’s example to stand in solidarity with Palestinian non-violent resistance. We come to tell Palestine that we will stand peacefully alongside you until the occupation has ended. We tell the world that it can no longer ignore the spark of humanity, which compels us to act in circumstances of grave injustice.
Rachel sent a very clear message with her life, and this anniversary is an appropriate time to reflect upon ours. I believe she would ask us to examine our lives for ways in which we can hold ourselves to a higher standard. We are united by the Palestinian cause, but also by our spark of collective humanity.
We should aspire to expose inequality in even the smallest of actions, knowing that those ultimately compose our experience.
We should not doubt the power of our words and larger statements, knowing that these will extend beyond imaginable scope, just as teenagers like myself thousands of miles away can be forever affected by those of us here.
We should not hesitate in our peaceful struggle for the Palestinian cause, remembering those who have gone before us and those whose freedoms will come from our diligence. We are fighting a battle which at times feels hopeless and impossibly removed from the world at large, but it is at these darkest moments that we should remember Rachel’s spark which inspires us. Palestinians should know that although they suffer terribly from the occupation, they are not alone. Like Rachel, we share the sense of collective humanity, which leads us to stand alongside you and share your stories with the world.
We should never doubt the importance of non-violence, seeing the immense strength of those who resist courageously with their whole selves.
On those days when the noise of the occupation seems deafening, let us remember that hope must speak louder. We must remember that although we lost Rachel’s spark, we can use her life as an inspiration to find our own sparks of collective humanity.
Rachel leaves us tremendous gifts in her words and art. As we remember the incredible person Rachel was, let us also remember the necessity of creation. Rachel was a poet, so it seems fitting to end with a poem by the poet Andrea Gibson, who tells us:
Picasso said
he would paint with his own wet tongue
on the dusty floor of a jail cell
if he had to. We have to create.
It is the only thing louder than destruction.
It is the only chance the bars are gonna break.
Our hands full of color,
reaching towards the sky,
A brushstroke in the dark,
it is not too late.
That starry night, it is not yet dry.
Shukran.
(Three days after delivering this memorial, Ellen was shot with a rubber bullet, fracturing her wrist) -S
Update #9: On the deathbed of the village
Tuesday, May 11, 2010
Dear friends,
The weather has clicked irrationally from an unseasonable chill to oppressive heat nearly overnight. It seems that summer is here.
Abductions of Palestinians continue, non-violent demonstrators and some boys and men taken in night raids. This week, over forty were seized from across the West Bank. This includes an eleven-year-old boy grabbed by a plainclothes police officer near the end of An Nabi Saleh’s weekly demonstration. Those taken face years in prison without charge—Israeli military law permits “administrative detention” for 6 month periods, which can be renewed indefinitely. While being “detained”, victims face interrogation, torture and inhumane living conditions consistent with any other fascist state.
In other news, recent x-rays of my arm show a bone which is reluctantly but finally healing correctly. Alhemdulilleh.
I have attached an essay written about our recent action in a village near Jerusalem. More photos of this and other actions in al Walaja can be seen here.
Thanks,
Ellen
On the deathbed of the village
There’s a part of my brain that becomes aimlessly diverted in critical moments; perhaps an evolutionary feature that’s run its course. For example, wild oregano grows abundantly in al Walaja. As we are chased by soldiers through the forest, the pungent smell of Italian cooking is enough to distract my brain from the task at hand (not getting arrested until we’re actually at the bulldozer). Instead I’m imagining that we’re running across a life-size crime scene pizza with crumbly rocks and pine trees as toppings.
The pizza daydreams vanish when we reach the edge of the embankment and stare out over a massive swath of dust. To our right, the D10 Caterpillar behemoth burps greasy black indigestion out of its two-story-high smokestack. To our left, an angry mob of soldiers and media advance, guns and cameras close at hand. Behind us, soldiers. Overhead, morning sun and a military helicopter. Yalla!
We slide down the embankment and into the path of D10, holding hands in some sort of perverse staredown. The engine shuts off, and we cozy up next to the blade, linking arms and legs. The dust is inches deep, and fine as corn starch. Three weeks ago this powder was fertile soil, supporting olive groves as for centuries prior. Al Walaja is a farming community. When the bulldozers drive out of this village for the final time, they will leave behind a massive concrete wall which tidily surrounds the village on all sides, severing it from all of the farmland which sustains life here. Two guarded gates will permit limited access to the village.
A D10 bulldozer is an invention, like nuclear weaponry, which can only bring destruction. A mistake. The blade is much taller than I am, and shiny steel. The size of this thing cannot possibly be exaggerated. It is hyperbole. It is the size of a small house. Literally. I now understand that Rachel Corrie wasn’t crushed by construction machinery, but rather a by massive mechanized monster; something humans were never supposed to have imagined.
Wide-angle lenses and M-16s glint in morning sun as we knot ourselves more tightly together. The dust kicks up, and we cough and choke as Mr. Army Man in Charge informs us we have five minutes to leave, or face forcible expulsion and arrest. My knees sink deeper into the dust and we collectively chuckle; it’s understood that “five minutes” translates to somewhere between 90 seconds and two minutes.
With flawless precision that would put Phoenix traffic cops to shame, soldiers classify us by race and move in. The Palestinian villagers who we joined in blocking the mighty D10 are beaten ruthlessly while we watch, trapped and unable to help, from our positions in front of the beast’s giant blade. To my left, a man’s head is being forced into the soil. A soldier pushes his hand against the man’s nose, and all I can do is watch and promise myself I’ll tell someone else about the look in his eyes. I glance away, and instead see a trapped face in front of me. Soldiers pry his eyes open, and spray the canned fire inside. Just weeks ago, this was an olive grove. Now the lifeless soil absorbs the blood of its villagers.
After they’ve broken the bones of the Palestinians, we remain huddled in the bulldozer’s shadow. Our arms wrapped tightly together, everybody takes a few dusty and peppery deep breaths, bracing for the next moment. We know how it will happen. How they will surround us and bear down, ripping limbs apart as cameras whir into motion and we let ourselves go limp, heavy, dead. The screams of the others will fade as the soldiers drag us through the dust. I will try to think outside of the adrenaline. I will bitterly announce “we are being non-violent” over the shouting, reminding nobody in particular that everything about Palestine is without reason; as if some Celestial score-keeper might possibly be reminded of the barbarism of every day here; as if the cameras which surround us could actually capture the surreal injustice which I now understand is truly impossible to internalize.
I will lie in the cemetery of the olive grove, one wrist being tightly clenched by a man in a bullet-proof vest. The morning sun reflects off the dusty expanse, blindingly powerful. I will peer upwards into the light, trying to read this man’s expression for any clue. Trying to find some proof that, like the choking dust I am resting in, this person’s conscience once supported fragile life; once harbored and nurtured something beautiful. I will slow my frenetic heart, fast at work hammering nails of self-preservation into my brain, and inquire, although woefully inadequate, something like, “Have you ever wondered what you’re destroying?”, or “Do you have children?”. I will listen attentively for some clenching of my outstretched arm or a sharp jerk through the dust that tells me he heard. Some clue about the heart still pounding behind the armor of Apartheid; some hope that the deathbed of this village can still birth life.
The slabs of concrete will tower over al Walaja like the tombstones that they are, spelling the death of a village which has slowly been bleeding out since 1948. A sparkly-toothed American reporter interviews me while we crouch in front of the blade. He wants to know about “new peace talks”. In twenty seconds there’s nothing to be said. No way to describe the silent, perpetual violence of every second of Apartheid. No words to explain the systematic tightening of Israeli control, as suffocating as the dust we are covered in. Israel has offered only violence since 1948.
There are two the things Americans need to know; two things I wish I had told Mr. Sparkle Tooth: First, there will be no “peace talks”. Only political diversions and more violence, until this “conflict” is seen as what it really is—an Apartheid. There is only one aggressor here; there is only one side dispersing non-violent resistance with billy clubs. Second, al Walaja smells of oregano. Know what you destroy.
Update #8: Making the News
Monday, May 3, 2010
Dear friends,
It has been a while since I have found the time to write. I hope this letter finds you well. My updates are now available at palestinejournales.blogspot.com, thanks to the kind efforts of a friend.
My arm is healing rather crookedly, which is somewhat distressing. I should know what the solution is by the end of the week, but in the interim I am cringing at the possibilities, which overwhelmingly do not sound enticing.
The leftist newspaper Ha'aretz this morning published the response of the Israeli state in the legal case of my friend and fellow activist Bridget Chappell. In the state's response, Shin Bet (secret Israeli intelligence), admitted to tracking her movements throughout Israel and the West Bank. A hearty dose of paranoia surrounds our daily lives, and revelations like this never help. On the other hand, perhaps it's reassuring that our work has attracted the attention of those we target.
Making the news
On Wednesday at around 2 pm, I officially became media coordinator for ISM. About three hours later, it was time to write a press release. Ahmad Dib, a 19 year old demonstrator, died of blood loss from being shot with live ammunition earlier that day at a demonstration in Gaza.
Three ISM Gaza activists were eyewitnesses; standing just meters from where Dib was shot, following the ambulance to the hospital and speaking directly with surgeons after Dib’s death. I spoke on the phone several times with the Gaza activists to gather information. The significance of the story means that it was covered by most major news outlets as well as ISM. It is remarkable, then, that the most reliable source of information was a voice on the other end of the phone: Rada, a British ISM activist who had spoken to the surgeon a few minutes before.
Two computers, two phones, one endless Skype conversation, 18 web browsing windows and 20 phone calls later, the press release was sent to both Palestinian and global news sources, providing an eyewitness account of the shooting and the opportunity for interviews with five different eye witnesses (two Palestinian, three ISM). As the primary author of the press release, the one who spoke to eyewitnesses standing outside of the hospital, and as an activist also facing Israeli fire, I am confident in the accuracy and significance of the story, here.
The New York Times article about Dib’s death paints a different picture. As Americans wanting to follow events in Palestine, it may be difficult to determine what news is reliable/ accurate, and why.
Breaking down the news
I thought we would break apart the NYT article here, to understand the power and significance of omission. The entire article can be found here.
Just five sentences are allotted to Dib’s death, which is combined with the unrelated murder of four Gaza tunnel workers.
Dear friends,
It has been a while since I have found the time to write. I hope this letter finds you well. My updates are now available at palestinejournales.blogspot.com, thanks to the kind efforts of a friend.
My arm is healing rather crookedly, which is somewhat distressing. I should know what the solution is by the end of the week, but in the interim I am cringing at the possibilities, which overwhelmingly do not sound enticing.
The leftist newspaper Ha'aretz this morning published the response of the Israeli state in the legal case of my friend and fellow activist Bridget Chappell. In the state's response, Shin Bet (secret Israeli intelligence), admitted to tracking her movements throughout Israel and the West Bank. A hearty dose of paranoia surrounds our daily lives, and revelations like this never help. On the other hand, perhaps it's reassuring that our work has attracted the attention of those we target.
Making the news
On Wednesday at around 2 pm, I officially became media coordinator for ISM. About three hours later, it was time to write a press release. Ahmad Dib, a 19 year old demonstrator, died of blood loss from being shot with live ammunition earlier that day at a demonstration in Gaza.
Three ISM Gaza activists were eyewitnesses; standing just meters from where Dib was shot, following the ambulance to the hospital and speaking directly with surgeons after Dib’s death. I spoke on the phone several times with the Gaza activists to gather information. The significance of the story means that it was covered by most major news outlets as well as ISM. It is remarkable, then, that the most reliable source of information was a voice on the other end of the phone: Rada, a British ISM activist who had spoken to the surgeon a few minutes before.
Two computers, two phones, one endless Skype conversation, 18 web browsing windows and 20 phone calls later, the press release was sent to both Palestinian and global news sources, providing an eyewitness account of the shooting and the opportunity for interviews with five different eye witnesses (two Palestinian, three ISM). As the primary author of the press release, the one who spoke to eyewitnesses standing outside of the hospital, and as an activist also facing Israeli fire, I am confident in the accuracy and significance of the story, here.
The New York Times article about Dib’s death paints a different picture. As Americans wanting to follow events in Palestine, it may be difficult to determine what news is reliable/ accurate, and why.
Breaking down the news
I thought we would break apart the NYT article here, to understand the power and significance of omission. The entire article can be found here.
Just five sentences are allotted to Dib’s death, which is combined with the unrelated murder of four Gaza tunnel workers.
The first sentence reads “A 20-year-old Palestinian demonstrator was shot dead in Gaza by Israeli security forces on Wednesday”.
The age differs from ISM’s report, which is not uncommon. Technically, Dib died from blood loss caused by the shooting. However, this is mostly correct.
The age differs from ISM’s report, which is not uncommon. Technically, Dib died from blood loss caused by the shooting. However, this is mostly correct.
Sentence two: “The slain protester, Ahmad Salem, was part of a 30-person demonstration against Israel’s policy of barring anyone in Gaza from coming within several hundred yards of the border barrier, in order to prevent hostile activity there.”
Ahmad Salem: Accuracy with names can be difficult, however first-person accounts report the man as “Ahmad Sliman Salem Dib”, making his surname Dib.
30-person: According to eyewitnesses, the demonstration was one of the largest in recent days, attended by over 200.
Israel’s policy…hostile activity: Israel’s decision to instate a 300-meter buffer zone is in violation of Oslo Accords, which had specified that the zone should extend no more than 50 meters. In reality, people are routinely shot as far away as two kilometers. The Oslo Accords also specify that fishing should be permitted up to 20 miles offshore. Since June 2007, the zone has been 3 miles. In reality, it is often reduced to 1 mile. Between January 20th 2009 (end of Israel’s war of aggression) and December 31st 2009, 166 Israeli attacks in the buffer zone killed 37 persons and injured 69.
The buffer zone affects over 30 per cent of Gaza’s farmland, as well as majorly damaging the fishing industry. These restrictions severely impact the Gazan economy, with more than 675,000 (45 per cent) now below the official poverty line and 325,000 (21 per cent) unable to meet basic food needs.
Stating that the buffer zone exists to “prevent hostile activity” is grievously misleading. In fact, it is a major cause of food instability and poverty in Gaza.
I strongly recommend reading this November 2009 Oxfam report on the buffer zones.
Ahmad Salem: Accuracy with names can be difficult, however first-person accounts report the man as “Ahmad Sliman Salem Dib”, making his surname Dib.
30-person: According to eyewitnesses, the demonstration was one of the largest in recent days, attended by over 200.
Israel’s policy…hostile activity: Israel’s decision to instate a 300-meter buffer zone is in violation of Oslo Accords, which had specified that the zone should extend no more than 50 meters. In reality, people are routinely shot as far away as two kilometers. The Oslo Accords also specify that fishing should be permitted up to 20 miles offshore. Since June 2007, the zone has been 3 miles. In reality, it is often reduced to 1 mile. Between January 20th 2009 (end of Israel’s war of aggression) and December 31st 2009, 166 Israeli attacks in the buffer zone killed 37 persons and injured 69.
The buffer zone affects over 30 per cent of Gaza’s farmland, as well as majorly damaging the fishing industry. These restrictions severely impact the Gazan economy, with more than 675,000 (45 per cent) now below the official poverty line and 325,000 (21 per cent) unable to meet basic food needs.
Stating that the buffer zone exists to “prevent hostile activity” is grievously misleading. In fact, it is a major cause of food instability and poverty in Gaza.
I strongly recommend reading this November 2009 Oxfam report on the buffer zones.
Sentence three: “An Israeli military spokeswoman said that the demonstrators hurled stones over the barrier at Israeli troops and set fires that could have damaged the barrier.”
Israeli military spokeswoman: Using a military spokesperson as the only first-person account is a concession to fabrication. When I was shot, a “military spokesperson” said that I “was lightly wounded while participating in a violent and illegal riot.” In reality, I was shot with a rubber-coated chunk of steel from four meters away while standing on a roadside with my arms in the air. A severe compound fracture (not healing properly six weeks later) is not a light injury. For an account of what happened, why not ask any number of eyewitnesses, such as those in ISM? Hurled stones over the barrier: Adie Mormech’s eyewitness account states, “Although some of the men were throwing stones from the ground, we didn’t see any reach the fence, let alone go over it.” The politics of throwing stones at soldiers of the world’s fourth largest military, armed with bulletproof armor and M-16s, is a discussion worth having. Here I’ll simply say that live ammunition is not an acceptable response to stones that weren’t even reaching the fence. Set fires: Again, no justification for live ammunition aimed at people.
Israeli military spokeswoman: Using a military spokesperson as the only first-person account is a concession to fabrication. When I was shot, a “military spokesperson” said that I “was lightly wounded while participating in a violent and illegal riot.” In reality, I was shot with a rubber-coated chunk of steel from four meters away while standing on a roadside with my arms in the air. A severe compound fracture (not healing properly six weeks later) is not a light injury. For an account of what happened, why not ask any number of eyewitnesses, such as those in ISM? Hurled stones over the barrier: Adie Mormech’s eyewitness account states, “Although some of the men were throwing stones from the ground, we didn’t see any reach the fence, let alone go over it.” The politics of throwing stones at soldiers of the world’s fourth largest military, armed with bulletproof armor and M-16s, is a discussion worth having. Here I’ll simply say that live ammunition is not an acceptable response to stones that weren’t even reaching the fence. Set fires: Again, no justification for live ammunition aimed at people.
Sentence four: “An investigation had been ordered into the shooting, she said.”
Investigation: Israeli military investigations systematically disregard facts. For example, an investigation into Operation Cast Lead by the Israeli military concluded, "throughout the fighting in Gaza, the IDF operated in accordance with international law." Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and other reputable organizations have documented uses of white phosphorus in densely populated civilian areas, which constitute war crimes.
Investigation: Israeli military investigations systematically disregard facts. For example, an investigation into Operation Cast Lead by the Israeli military concluded, "throughout the fighting in Gaza, the IDF operated in accordance with international law." Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and other reputable organizations have documented uses of white phosphorus in densely populated civilian areas, which constitute war crimes.
Sentence five: “Demonstrations against the Israeli buffer policy in Gaza have grown in recent weeks but Hamas, which rules Gaza, has not sent its supporters because it does not wish to increase tensions with Israel.”
Demonstrations…Israel: Popular demonstrations in the Gaza Buffer Zone have been nearly daily. Live ammunition, used routinely as a form of crowd dispersal, injured two Fridays ago (April 24th). Bianca Zammitt, an ISM activist, was shot in the thigh while filming the demonstration.
Demonstrations…Israel: Popular demonstrations in the Gaza Buffer Zone have been nearly daily. Live ammunition, used routinely as a form of crowd dispersal, injured two Fridays ago (April 24th). Bianca Zammitt, an ISM activist, was shot in the thigh while filming the demonstration.
The protests are lead by local Popular Coordination Committees, which are democratic organizing bodies. As in West Bank demonstrations, political parties may be officially or unofficially involved, but their participation is auxiliary. Demonstrations are popular uprisings of people, not the strategizing of institutions or political entities. The story isn't about Hamas-Israel relations; it's about human rights. Gazans are demonstrating because the situation leaves no choice. The statistics speak for themselves: The blockade of Gaza since June 2007, now extending over 1,000 days, has destroyed the economy and reduced aid to a trickle. Trucks of humanitarian supplies are now at less than 41 per cent of their pre-blockade level, despite sharply increased need. Oxfam estimates that 8 out of 10 Gazans are dependent on outside aid, which is unreliable at best.
When the New York Times chooses to tell such an anemic sliver of the story surrounding Ahmad Dib's shooting, it doesn't just miss the point. It perpetuates American ignorance about Palestine and helps the Israeli military continue its use of extreme violence. Ahmad Dib died in an organic and non-violent uprising of trapped and impoverished people. An ISM activist not unlike myself (although infinitely more courageous) was shot last week for simply filming these demonstrations. Human rights activists such as those with ISM are prevented from entering Gaza, making extra-legal routes necessary simply to enter the territory. Israel doesn't want word getting out about the humanitarian crisis caused by the blockade; it wants to remain in the political science stratosphere and obscure the absurd imbalance of power by emphasizing relations with Hamas. Articles such as this do nothing but further that effort.
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Did you know? According to Oxfam International Executive Director Jeremy Hobbs, “Over US$4 billion was pledged to assist reconstruction and development following last year’s military operation by Israel, but little of this money has been spent due to Israel’s closure policy."
Food for thought.
Thanks,
Ellen
In memory of; Ahmad Sliman Salem Dib, 19
When the New York Times chooses to tell such an anemic sliver of the story surrounding Ahmad Dib's shooting, it doesn't just miss the point. It perpetuates American ignorance about Palestine and helps the Israeli military continue its use of extreme violence. Ahmad Dib died in an organic and non-violent uprising of trapped and impoverished people. An ISM activist not unlike myself (although infinitely more courageous) was shot last week for simply filming these demonstrations. Human rights activists such as those with ISM are prevented from entering Gaza, making extra-legal routes necessary simply to enter the territory. Israel doesn't want word getting out about the humanitarian crisis caused by the blockade; it wants to remain in the political science stratosphere and obscure the absurd imbalance of power by emphasizing relations with Hamas. Articles such as this do nothing but further that effort.
---
Did you know? According to Oxfam International Executive Director Jeremy Hobbs, “Over US$4 billion was pledged to assist reconstruction and development following last year’s military operation by Israel, but little of this money has been spent due to Israel’s closure policy."
Food for thought.
Thanks,
Ellen
In memory of; Ahmad Sliman Salem Dib, 19
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